Carolyn Drumsta '10, environmental studies and biology.
Introduction In the post-modern and multicultural worlds of criminology and criminal justice characterized by post-structuralism, post-Marxism, post-affirmative action, and post-feminism, the variables of class, race, and gender remain fundamental to both theory and practice.
In the process of trying to sort out these differences, virtually every theoretical framework has addressed class and race overtly, and gender at least covertly. Up until recently, the problem with this line of inquiry was not only that there had been very little, if any, agreement on the effects of these three critical variables, but worse yet, folks were still debating whether or not these variables matter.
By the turn of the 21st century, however, a growing number of criminologists from several orientations, including but not limited to critical, feminist, Marxist, positivist, and integrative, had come to appreciate, in different yet related ways, that class, race, and gender matter.
Today, many inquiries are interested in finding out just how exactly class, race, and gender matter in the production of crime and criminal justice. Some inquiries focus on class, race, and gender as autonomous variables.
Some inquiries focus on these three variables as inter-related. Of course, key questions on the complexities of these relations and on the means of exploring them still remain. And even though the ways of seeing difference or of approaching class, race, and gender vary, there is certainly an emerging consensus on the importance of these three variables, and increasingly, on the intersections between them or on their interactive or reciprocal relationships.
In fact, it is my contention that in present-day criminology and criminal justice, there are at least four approaches to the study of class, race, and gender: These approaches are part and parcel of older and newer traditions in the study of crime and criminal justice. At the same time, they are also reflective or representative, over the last twenty years or so, of larger movements in academia to distance itself from both essentialism and determinism.
Finally, each of these approaches is capable, more or less, of studying class and crime, race and crime, or gender and crime as separate or related phenomena. Whether or not class, race, and gender are studied in isolation or in relation to each other, depends to a very large extent on the kinds of questions that are asked by each of these approaches.
When class, race, and gender are studied together, the way they are linked or connected will also depend on the questions asked. Department of Justice, and other governmental documents produced locally or at the state level.
Four of those were quantitative studies: Determinants of Civil Rights Complaints in U. An Examination of Class and Adult Criminality. In order to convey the complexity and sophistication of these and other quantitative studies, permit me to elaborate a bit more from one of these articles.
In this way, I hope to illustrate how thematically there is an emerging consensus around the importance of class, race, and gender, even among quantitative researchers whose studies have tended to nullify the importance of these variables. Regarding the contemporary sophistication of quantitative studies, the authors in this study employed 15 individual indicators of social class, broken down into four gradational class measures e.
True to quantitative form, they conducted multivariate analyses with respect to general crime measures for the year prior to their survey and since their respondents turned In addition, they conducted multiple regressions on the impact of their social class measures on the prevalence of violent crime as a subscale in their analysis.
Finally, as would be expected, they controlled for race, sex, and age. They also controlled for being a parent and for being married. For example, even though the results left a relatively weak overall impression of direct class impact on general crime, the outcomes were able to show which of the three ways of conceptualizing class, fared the best.
In addition, the study found some support for specifying the class-crime relationships by gender and by race. In the case of men and women, personal income negatively and significantly affected crime for males. By contrast, family income, significantly influenced crime for females.
In the case of whites and nonwhites, social class was related to criminal involvement for nonwhites. Finally, the study also points to a significant limitation with respect to its general representativeness: The percent of nonwhites surveyed was In sum, sophisticated studies like that of Dunaway et al.
Recent work, such as Wright et al. Time and Place Studies: Whether these studies are historical or comparative, incorporate long-term or short-term perspectives, they are concerned empirically with explaining the varying levels of criminal punishment.
These studies want to account for why some men or women, or some socio-economic classes, or some racial or ethnic groups, have been more likely or less likely to be sanctioned by the criminal justice system for their involvement in non-conforming behavior.
These accounts typically relate the differences in crime control to their structural and institutional relations of class, race, and gender, rather than to their individual or interpersonal relations. Accordingly, focus shifts away from measurement of crime and crime control as responses to individual or group misconduct in micro society.
Instead, crime and social control are viewed in relationship to the dominant political, economic, and social interests of macro society.
For the purposes of this presentation, allow me to make passing reference to two recently published anthologies in the areas of criminology and criminal justice.
The first is Ethnicity, Race, and Crime: The second is Race, Gender, and Class in Criminology: Time and place, also become analytical constructs for these books as each consciously set out to include a diversity of intellectual perspectives on the conceptualizations of class, race, and gender relations.Teaching Philosophy.
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The following is a Symposium Speech delivered at the Second Annual Conference on RACE, GENDER and CLASS Project in New Orleans on October 20, Culture of Nigeria - history, people, clothing, traditions, women, beliefs, food, customs, family Ma-Ni.
BCG has been studying gender diversity at organizations around the world for the past several years. A key finding from our research is that the career obstacles women face, such as being overlooked for promotions, tend to be institutional, with deep roots in the organization’s culture.
Fashion and Its Social Agendas: Class, Gender, and Identity in Clothing [Diana Crane] on alphabetnyc.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. It has long been said that clothes make the man (or woman), but is it still true today?
If so, how has the information clothes convey changed over the years? Using a wide range of historical and contemporary materials.